【乌鲁木齐死亡140人：死伤总人数达千人】
7月6日12时30分，在新疆维吾尔自治区举办的新闻发布会上，自治区人大常委会副主任、乌鲁木齐市委书记栗智说，乌鲁木齐“7·5”事件死亡人数已达到140人，其中有57具尸体是从背街巷道中发现的，受伤人员达800多人。
5日晚上，乌鲁木齐发生打砸抢烧严重暴力犯罪事件。在此次事件中，乌鲁木齐被毁车辆达260部，其中190部公交车，50多部民用车；受损门面房203间，民房14间，总过火面积达到56850平方米，全市共有220多处纵火点，有两栋楼房被烧毁。
自治区公安厅指挥中心介绍，目前伤者被分别安置在乌鲁木齐10家医院进行救治，并安排做好伤病员的证据收集工作，作为将来依法审判犯罪分子的罪证，医院内已安排好民政、安全保卫等工作。
乌鲁木齐警方已经抓获了数百名参与者，其中包括10多名挑头闹事的骨干分子，另外经警方查证，直接参加打砸抢烧的部分骨干分子正在全力搜捕中。
乌鲁木齐公安、武警在重点区域设立了检查卡点，乌鲁木齐周边的昌吉、吐鲁番、巴州等地也开始设立卡点堵截外逃的暴徒。
新疆维吾尔自治区公安厅厅长柳耀华说，乌鲁木齐当前的主要任务是追逃，社会面的控制和重点地区的交通管制，加强街面巡逻和重点单位的安全保卫，确保市区社会稳定，保护各族群众生命财产安全。
当一次境外遥控的暴力事件就能煽动数千人违法犯罪的时候，其背后的民意岂止是这数千暴力份子？现代社会是信息社会和知识爆炸的社会，不会再有几个藏民或维族人会把毛主席当作神来崇拜了，现代文明已经不容许政府把民众当作欺骗宣传的对象了，政府腐败不腐败，干的好不好，在各个民族人民心里早已清晰明了。靠那种连汉人自己都不太相信的谎言宣传试图掩盖民族问题，有意义吗？
如果汉人总是以为民族问题是少数民族的少数人的极端行为就太天真了。中国的民族问题早已陷入恶性循环，民族问题永远不是用暴力镇压所能解决的问题。
当同为汉族的台湾人都对大陆的政治体制嗤之以鼻，多数人根本不想统一的时候，少数民族难道永远都是愚民？如果政府的专制腐败的政治体制连汉人都无法说服，怎么可能说服少数民族接受这样的统治？靠暴力、恐吓、专制体制只能暂时压制某些诉求，根本解决不了民族问题，被压迫的越久反弹的越猛烈。在谴责这些暴力分子的时候，为什么政府从来没有谴责一下自己在民族政策和治理上的过失？
————法海之有些事情的爆发只是时间问题
更新：截至6日19时，乌鲁木齐市“7·5”打砸抢烧严重暴力犯罪事件死亡人数增至156人，其中，男性129人，女性27人；受伤人员1080人。
目前，公安部门已抓捕1434名参与打砸抢烧杀嫌犯，其中，男性1379人，女性55人。对这些人员的审讯工作正在进行中。
更新：截至11日，死亡人数达到184人。
更新：截至15日，死亡人数达到192人。
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7月10日，意外发现本文被《纽约人》专栏作家埃文的一篇文章链接，评论被该文引述，估计本文离河蟹不太远了。不过可能值得庆幸的是，还没有人认为埃文是反华的作家，要不法海又要被人当作被反华势力利用的家伙了。。。
http://www.newyorker.com/online/blogs/evanosnos/2009/07/look-beyond-ethnicity.html
July 8, 2009
Looking Beyond Ethnicity
The walls of the old city of Kashgar, in Xinjiang, have long been emblazoned with government graffiti, red lettering spray-painted along sun-dried brick alleys: “Severely strike the Islamic Party of Liberation”—a reference to one of several Muslim organizations that Chinese authorities have identified as the prime culprits during decades of trying, unsuccessfully, to snuff out resistance there.
Anyone who has been to Xinjiang Province would be familiar with the deep, malignant hatred between the Han and the Uighur populations. What is new in the past two years, however, is that this hatred has broken out into the open, leaving China embroiled in a pattern of uprising and crackdown not seen in decades. Chinese authorities should be concerned that these outbursts run deeper than ethnicity and cut to the core of the economic and political inequality that China’s rapid growth has created. Despite an onslaught of official Chinese media accounts of the ethnic nature of the conflict, individual commentators, writing in Chinese, have begun today to ask about other factors.
This message, posted on a mainstream Baidu discussion board today, notes that Han Chinese often treat ethnic minorities’ complaints lightly because they think that minorities are no more injured by injustice than the rest of Chinese society:
But the reality is not as simple as what Han people think. Their anger towards Han is not extreme but a normal expression of emotion. In an autonomous region, although the head of the government is an ethnic minority, the actual sovereign power is in the hand of another ethnicity, and that person is sent from somewhere far away…At the top of government departments in Xinjiang—the ones with real power, who chair key positions, like police departments, finance departments, and human resource departments—there are no Uighurs, or even locals. Uighurs can only be the deputies and do not have power.
Also writing in Chinese, this blogger looks beyond the ethnic conflict to ask why even non-minorities have been rising up in large numbers:
When a corrupt autocratic government cannot even persuade Han people, how can they expect minority groups to accept this kind of governance? By violence? Threats? Autocracy? When we are looking for the blame for the violence, why does the government never examine its own mistakes on ethnic issues?
One might usually guess that this uprising and crackdown, and the inevitable criticism from abroad, would rally support around the current Chinese leadership. But it is also a mistake to imagine that the Chinese aren’t looking at their own government and asking why it has been unable to maintain stability. At times like this, some look back (with glasses a deep shade of rose) on a previous era, “when people and the army were like a family, not part of a corrupted society like we have right now.”
For some of the most memorable reading of the day, look here:
- The South China Morning Post pulls together some smart takes, including this from Zheng Yongnian, a professor at the East Asian Institute of the National University of Singapore: “In China, many assume that the higher the living standard, the happier the people will be…But at the same time, when the living standard improves, people will receive better education, and this will raise their ethnic awareness.”
- This was written before the latest unrest—and I’m sure that the magazine Caijing is wary of having it associated with the Xinjiang uprising—so treat it as a separate dispatch, full of broader insights: “Inept officials and clumsy law enforcement can fuel trouble when people are upset, as we’ve seen with regret over the past year.”
- For a reminder that Xinjiang has always been a site of intense interest, look back at the iconic 1935 trip to Xinjiang by Peter Fleming—brother of the creator of James Bond, Ian Fleming—as a correspondent for the Times of London.
文章作者：埃文·奥斯诺斯Evan Osnos是美国《芝加哥论坛报》、《纽约人》记者和作家。从今年一月份起，埃文在《纽约人》上开了个专栏“中国来鸿”（Letter From China）。本文是该专栏的一篇文章。哈佛大学政府系毕业，07年获得奥斯本艾略特奖。这篇文章的中文翻译可在我的另外一篇博文中看到。
http://hi.baidu.com/%B7%A8%D1%A7%D4%BA%B7%A8%C0%CF%D6%DC%BD%DD/blog/item/01ade3cd10e4d4580fb345a9.html
